BAHMAN YAST,

[1. Or, possibly, 'for whom I am written,' the meaning of mûn yektîbûnîhêm being not quite clear. In fact, the construction of the whole of this initial benediction is rather obscure.

2. It is possible that this is to be read in connection with Chap. II, 1, with the meaning that 'as it is declared by the Stûdgar Nask that Zaratûst asked for immortality from Aûharmazd, so in the Vohûman Yast commentary it is declared that he asked for it a second time.' This introductory chapter is altogether omitted in both the Pâz. MSS. which have been examined, but it is given in the Pers. version. It is also omitted in the epitome of the Bahman Yast contained in the Dabistân (see Shea's translation, vol. i. pp. 264-271).

3. This was the first nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dînkard, which calls it Sûdkar; but according to the Dînî-vagarkard and the Rivâyats it was the second nask, called Stûdgar or Istûdgar. For its contents, as given by the Dînî-vagarkard (which agrees with the account in the Rivâyats), see Haug's Essays, p. 126. In the Dînkard, besides a short description of this Nask, given in the eighth book, there is also a detailed account of the contents of each of its fargards, or chapters, occupying twenty-five quarto pages of twenty-two lines each, in the ninth book. From this detailed statement it appears {footnote p. 192} that the passage mentioned here, in the text, constituted the seventh fargard of the Nask, the contents of which are detailed as follows:--

'The seventh fargard, Tâ-ve-ratö (Av. tâ ve urvâtâ, Vas. XXXI, 1), is about the exhibition to. Zaratûst of the nature of the four periods in the Zaratûstian millennium (hazangrôk zim, "thousand winters"). First, the golden, that in which Aûharmazd displayed the religion to Zaratûst. Second, the silver, that in which Vistâsp received the religion from Zaratûst. Third, the steel, the period within which the organizer of righteousness, Âtarô-pâd son of Mârspend, was born. Fourth, the period mingled with iron is this, in which is much propagation of the authority of the apostate and other villains (sarîtarânö), along with destruction of the reign of religion, the weakening of every kind of goodness and virtue, and the departure of honour and wisdom from the countries of Iran. In the same period is a recital of the many perplexities and torments of the period for that desire (girâyîh) of the life of the good which consists in seemliness. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness (Av. ashem vohû vahistem astî, Yas. XXVII. 14, W.).'

If this be a correct account of the contents of this fargard, the writer was evidently consulting a Pahlavi version of the Nask, composed during the later Sasanian times.]

[1. Generally understood to mean 'descendant of Spitama,' who was his ancestor in the ninth generation (see Bund. XXXII, 1).]

[1. A word is lost here in K20 and does not occur in the other copies and versions, nor can it be supplied from the similar phrase in Chap. II, 16. The meaning of the sentence appears to be that Vistâsp destroyed the idols, but the demons they represented still remained, in a spiritual state, to produce evil.

2. See, Chap. II, 17.

3. Khusrô Nôshirvân son of Qubâd, in modern Persian, who reigned in A. D. 531-579. Kêvâd is usually written Kavâd.

4. The epithet vigârd-vars may also mean 'dressed-hair,' but the term in the text is the more probable, as the Persian version translates it by kushâdah muî, 'uncovered hair.' That it is not a name, as assumed by Spiegel, appears clearly from the further details given in Chap. II, 25.

5. Or, 'the progeny of Aêshm,' the demon. Wrath is not to be understood here in its abstract sense, but is personified as a demon. It is uncertain whether the remainder of this sentence belongs to this § or the next.

6. If there were any doubt about zand meaning the Pahlavi translation, this passage would be important, as the Avesta of the Horvadad (Khordâd) and Âstâd Yasts is still extant, but contains nothing about the heretic Mazdîk or Mazdak (see Chap. II, 21). No Avesta of the Vohûman Yast is now known.]

[1. That is, Khusrô Nôshirvân. As the names of his priests and councillors stand in K20 they can hardly be otherwise distributed than they are in the text, but the correctness of the Ms. is open to suspicion. Dâd-Aûharmazd was a commentator who is quoted in Chap. III, 16, and in the Pahl. Yas. XI, 22; Âtarô-frôbâg was another commentator mentioned in Sls. I, 3; and Âtarô-pâd and Bakht-âfrîd are names well known in Pahlavi literature, the former having been borne by more than one individual (see Sls. I, 3, 4).

2. The Pers. version says nothing about this promise, but states that Khûsrô sent a message to the accursed Mazdak, requiring him to reply to the questions of this priestly assembly on pain of death, to which he assented, and he was asked ten religious questions, but was unable to answer one so the king put him to death immediately.

3. A similar prohibition, addressed to Zaratûst, as regards the Avesta text, is actually found in the Horvadad Yt. 10.

4. This seems to imply that this text is not the commentary {footnote p. 195} itself, but merely an epitome of it. The Pâz. MSS. which have been examined, begin with this chapter.]

[1. Or, 'when I shall become;' the verb is omitted by mistake in K20.

2. Three of these immortals are mentioned in Bund. XXIX, 5, and Gôst-i Fryân is included in a similar enumeration in Dâd. (Reply 89). The tale of Gôst-i Fryân (Av. Yôistô yô Fryananãm, of Âbân Yt. 81 and Fravardîn Yt. 120) has been published with The Book of Ardâ-Vîrâf,' ed. Hoshangji and Haug.

3. Or, 'became;' most of this verb is torn off in K20.

4. The verb is placed before its nominative in the Pahlavi text, both here and in most similar sentences, which is an imitation of the Avesta, due probably to the text being originally translated from an Avesta book now lost, or, at any rate, to its author's wish that it might appear to be so translated. In such cases of inverted construction, when the verb is in a past tense, the Pahlavi idiom often requires a pronominal suffix, corresponding, to the nominative, to be added to the first word in the sentence; thus, gûftös Aûharmazd, or afas gûft Aûharmazd, does not mean 'Aûharmazd spoke to him (or said it),' but merely 'Aûharmazd spoke'(lit. 'it was said by him, Aûharmazd').

5. According to an untranslated passage in the Selections of Zâd-sparam, mentioned in the note on p. 187, this is the name of {footnote p. 196} one of the five brothers in the Karapân family of sorcerers, who were enemies of Zaratûst during his childhood. Their names, as written in SZS., may be read as follows, 'Brâdarvakhsh, Brâdrôyisnö, Tûr Brâgrêsh, Azânö, and Nasm,' and the first is also called 'Tûr-i 'Brâdarvakhsh;' they are described as descendants of the sister of Manûskîhar. In the seventh book of the Dînkard a wizard, who endeavours to injure Zaratûst in his childhood, is called 'Tûr-i Brâdrôk-rêsh, the Karapö,' and was probably the third brother, whose name (thus corrected) indicates brâthrô-raêsha as its Avesta form. Karap or Karapân in all these passages is evidently the name of a family or caste, probably the Av. karapanô which Haug translates by 'performers of (idolatrous) sacrificial rites,' in connection with Sans. kalpa, 'ceremonial ritual' (see Haug's Essays, pp. 289-291).]

[1. K20 has 'among the spirits;' the word mînisn having become maînôkân by the insertion of an extra stroke.

2. Reading afas instead of minas (Huz. of agas, 'from or by him,' which is written with the same letters as afas; 'and by him'), not only here, but also in §§ 5, 7, 9. The copyist of K20 was evidently not aware that afas is a conjunctive form, but confounded it with the prepositional form agas, as most Parsis and some European scholars do still. The Sasanian inscriptions confirm the reading afas for the conjunctive form; and Nêryôsang, the learned Parsi translator of Pahlavi texts into Pâzand and Sanskrit some four centuries ago, was aware of the difference between the two forms, as he transcribes them correctly into Paz. vas and azas.]

[1. This verb is omitted in K20 by mistake.

2. Or else 'dirty.'

3. Reading afam instead of minam, both here and in § 14; the {footnote p. 198} copyist of K20 having confounded these two words, like those mentioned in the note on § 4.]

[1. The passage in brackets is omitted in K20, but is supplied from the Paz. MSS., being evidently necessary to complete the contrast. It occurs also in the Pers. version.

2. Supplied from the Paz. and Pers. versions, being omitted here in K20, though occurring in § 20.

3. The female archangel who has charge of the earth (see Bund. I, 26).

4 The Pâz. MSS. omit the description of the silver age.

5. Usually identified with Artaxerxes Longimanus, but his long reign of 112 years may include most of the Achæmenian sovereigns down to Artaxerxes Mnemon, several of whom are called Ahasuerus or Artaxerxes in the biblical books of Ezra and Esther. See Bund. XXXI, 30, XXXIV, 8.]

[1. Reading mûn, 'whom,' instead of amat, 'when' (see the note on Bund. I, 7).

2. Contracted here into Spendâd, as it is also in Bund. XXXIV, 8 in the old MSS. This name of the king is corrupted into Bahman son of Isfendiyâr in the Shâhnâmah.

3. This brazen age is evidently out of its proper chronological order. The Pâzand and Persian versions correct this blunder by describing the copper age before the brazen one here, but they place the brazen branch before the copper one in § 14, so it is doubtful how the text stood originally.

4. Artakhshatar son of Pâpakî and Shahpûharî son of Artakhshatar are the Sasanian forms of the names of the first two monarchs (A.D. 226-271) of the Sasanian dynasty, whose reigns constitute this brazen age.

5. Literally, 'deliverance from sin' or 'salvation' by one's own good works, and, therefore, not in a Christian sense.

6. Referring to the ordeal of pouring molten brass on his chest, undergone by Âtarô-pâd son of Mâraspend, high-priest and prime minister of Shâpûr I, for the purpose of proving the truth of his religion to those who doubted it.

7. It is uncertain which of the Askânian sovereigns is meant, or whether several of the dynasty may not be referred to. The Greek {footnote p. 200} successors of Alexander were subdued in Persia by Ask (Arsaces I), who defeated Seleucus Callinicus about B.C. 236. But the third book of the Dînkard (in a passage quoted by Haug in his Essay on the Pahlavi Language) mentions Valkhas (Vologeses) the Askânian as collecting the Avesta and Zand, and encouraging the Mazdayasnian religion. This Valkhas was probably Vologeses I, a contemporary of Nero, as shown by Darmesteter in the introduction to his translation of the Vendidad.]

[1. I am indebted to Professor J. Darmesteter for pointing out that Nêryôsang, in his Sanskrit translation of Yas. IX, 75, explains Kalasiyâkâh as 'those whose faith is the Christian religion;' the original Pahlavi word in the oldest MSS. is Kilisâyâîk, altogether a misunderstanding of the Avesta name Keresâni, which it translates, but sufficiently near the name in our text to warrant the assumption that Nêryôsang would have translated Kilisyâkîh by 'Christianity;' literally it means 'ecclesiasticism, or the church religion' (from Pers. kilisyâ, Gr. {Greek ?ekklhsi'a}). Akandgar is probably a miswriting of Alaksandar or Sikandar; though Darmesteter suggests that Skandgar (Av. skendô-kara, Pers. sikandgar), 'causer of destruction,' would be an appropriate punning title for Alexander from a Persian point of view. The anachronisms involved in making Alexander the Great a Christian, conquered by an Askânian king, are not more startling than the usual Pahlavi statement that he was a Roman. To a Persian in Sasanian times Alexander was the representative of an invading enemy which had come from the countries occupied, in those times, by the eastern empire of the Christian Romans, which enemy had been subdued in Persia by the Askânian dynasty; and such information would naturally lead to the anachronisms just mentioned. The name Kilisyâkîh is again used, in Chap. III, 3, 5, 8, to denote some Christian enemy.

2. This Sasanian monarch (A. D. 420-439), after considerable provocation, revived the persecution of the heretics and foreign creeds which had been tolerated by his predecessor, and this conduct naturally endeared him to the priesthood.]

[1. Reading vênâp (Pers. bînâb), but it may be va davâg, in which case the phrase must be translated as follows: 'when he makes the spirit of pleasure and joy manifest.'

2. See Chap. I, 5. The characteristic of the steel age, like that of the tin one, was the persecution of heretics who had been tolerated by the reigning monarch's predecessor.

3. Generally written Mazdak, a heretic whose teaching was very popular in the time of King Kêvâd (or Kavâd, A. D. 487-531). His doctrine appears to have been extreme socialism built upon a Mazdayasnian foundation. He was put to death by Khûsrô I, as hinted in the text. It is remarkable that none of the successors of Khûsrô Nôshirvân are mentioned in the Bahman Yast, so that a Parsi, who even did not believe in the verbal inspiration of the book, might possibly consider the remainder of it as strictly prophetical.

4. The passage in brackets is omitted in K20 by mistake, and is here supplied from Chap. I, 5, in accordance with the Pâz. and Pers. versions.]

[1. Or 'of Khûrâsân.' it is difficult to identify these demons with the Arabs, who came from the west, though a dweller in Kirmân might imagine that they came from Khûrâsân. In fact, hardly any of the numerous details which follow, except their long-continued rule, apply exclusively to Muhammadans. It appears, moreover, from § 50 and Chap. III, 8, that these demons are intended for Tûrks, that is, invaders from Turkistân, who would naturally come from the east into Persia.

2 Reading gêhân-zivö zektelûnd, but the beginning of the latter word is torn off in K20, and the other versions have no equivalent phrase. The Pâzand substitutes the phrase 'black banners, and black garments.'

3. This word, being torn off in K20, is supplied from the Pâz. MSS.]

[1. This word is omitted in K20, but supplied from the Pâzand. The whole section is omitted in the Pers. version.

2. This word, being torn off in K20, is doubtfully supplied from the Pers. paraphrase. The Pâz. MSS. omit §§ 30-32.

3. Or, perhaps, 'parents- in-law;' the original is khûsrûînê, followed by some word (probably nafsman) which is torn off in K20. The Pers. version gives no equivalent phrase.]

[1. Or, 'tax-collectors;' Pahl. tangtar va râs-vânagtar.

2. In K20 'va 3' is corrupted into the very similar va vâi, 'and a portion.'

3. Literally, 'white.'

4. Reading anâzarm instead of hanâ âzarm.

5. That is, for the Iranians in general, who are the 'they' in §§ 32-35.]

[1. The Av. Aêshmô khrvîdrus, 'Aêshma the impetuous assailant' (see Bund. XXVIII, 15-17); this demon's Pahlavi epithet is partly a transcription, and partly a paraphrase of the Avesta term.

2. According to Dastûr Hoshangji (Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, p. 65) the term magh is now applied to the stones on which the person undergoing purification has to squat during ablution in the barashnûm ceremony. Originally, however, Av. magha appears to have meant a shallow hole dug in the earth, near or over which the person squatted upon a seat, either of stone or some other hard material (see Vend. IX). The term for the hole was probably extended to the whole arrangement, including the seat, which latter has thus acquired the name of magh, although magh and maghâk still mean 'a channel or pit' in Persian.

3 The Av. kata of Vend .V, 36-40; a special chamber for the temporary reception of the corpse, when it was impossible to remove it at once to the dakhma, owing to the inclemency of the weather. It should be large enough for standing upright, and for stretching out the feet and hands, without touching either walls or ceiling; that is, not less than six feet cube. The text means that those times will be so distressing, that it will be considered lawful to perform the sacred ceremonies even in a place of such concentrated impurity as a dead-house not actually occupied by a corpse.]

[1. The Pâz. MSS. add, 'and helplessness.'

2 .The Pâz. MSS. add, 'and the prayers and ceremonies that he orders of priests and disciples they do not fulfil.'

3. The name of a work which treats of various ceremonial details, and appears to be a portion of the Pahlavi translation of the seventeenth or Hûspâram Nask, containing many Avesta quotations, which are not now to be found elsewhere.

4. The Pâz. MSS. have misread azîr damîk, 'underground,' instead of âzarmîk.]

[1. Literally, 'devour an oath,' which Persian idiom was occasioned by the original form of oath consisting in drinking water prepared in a particular manner, after having invoked all the heavenly powers to bear witness to the truth of what had been asserted (see the Saûgand-nâmah).

2. Reading râî instead of lâ, 'not.' The whole section is omitted by the Pâz. MSS., possibly from politic motives, as the language is plain enough.

3. The Persian paraphrase has 'eight.'

4. Referring probably to the injunctions regarding cutting the hair and paring the nails, with all the proper precautions for preventing any fragments of the hair or nails from lying about, as given in Vend. XVII. One of the penalties for neglecting such precautions is supposed to be a failure of the necessary rains. The {footnote p. 208} words anâstak dînô can also be translated by 'despising the religion.']

[1. The word appears to be dardaktar, but is almost illegible in K20; it may possibly be kûtaktar, 'more scantily' as the Pâz. MSS. have kôdaktar bahôd, 'become smaller.']

[1. This verb is omitted in K20.

2. It is rather doubtful whether their own customs are meant, or those of their conquerors. .

3. Or dahâkân may mean 'the skilful.'

4. Reading dûdak instead of rûdak. At first sight the miswriting of r for d seems to indicate copying from a text in the modern Persian character, in which those two letters are often much alike; but it happens that the compounds dû and rû also resemble one another in some Pahlavi handwriting.

5. Whether through poverty and helplessness, or through the conquerors, is not quite clear.

6. Very little reliance can be placed upon the 'details of this sentence, but it is difficult to make any other complete and consistent translation. Darmesteter suggests the reading hênô, 'army,' but another possible reading is Khyôn (Av. Hvyaona), the old name {footnote p. 210} of some country probably in Turkistân, as Argâsp, the opponent of Vistâsp, is called 'lord or king of Khyôn' in the Yâdkâr-i Zarîrân (see also Gôs Yt. 30, 31, Ashi Yt. 50, 51, Zamyâd Yt. 87).]

[1. Or, 'as the mountain-holding Khûdarak.' Darmesteter suggests that Khûdarak may be an 'inhabitant of Khazar.'

2. Probably the people of Samarkand, which place was formerly called Kîn according to a passage in some MSS. of Tabart's Chronicle, quoted in Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 298. See also Bund. XII, 22.

3. The Kâbulî and Byzantine Rûman are plain enough; not so the Sôftî and Karmak (Kalmak or Krimak).

4 That is, the. Tûrks, as appears more clearly from Chap. III, 8, 9. The Arabs are mentioned here, incidently, for the first time, and again in Chap. III, 9, 51.

5. Literally, 'both are one.']

[1. The Pâz. version adds, 'the motion of the sun is quicker.'

2. Literally, 'make easy.']

[1. This interpolated commentary is a pretty clear indication that the writer is translating from an Avesta text.

2. Both Pâz. and Pers. have drônô, 'sacred cakes.'

3. The third hâ or chapter of the Yasna of seven chapters. It worships Aûharmazd as the creator of all good things.

4. See Bund. XX, 2.

5. For the following explanation of the various kinds of hômâst I am indebted to Dastûr Jâmâspji Minochiharji Jâmâsp-Âsâ-nâ of Bombay:--

There are four kinds of hômâst recited by priests for the atonement of any sin that may have been committed by a woman during menstruation, after her purification:--

1. Hômâst consists of prayers recited for 144 days, in honour of the twelve following angels: Aûharmazd, Tîstar, Khûrshêd, Mâh, Âbân, Âdar, Khurdâd, Amerdâd, Spendarmad, Bâd, Srôsh, and Ardâ-fravash. Each angel, in turn, is reverenced for twelve days successively, with one Yasna each day.

2. Khadûk-hômâst, 'one hômâst,' differs from the last merely in adding a Vendidad every twelfth day, to be recited in the {footnote p. 213} Ushahin Gâh (12 P.M. to 6 A.M.) in honour of the angel whose propitiation ends that day.

3. Dah-hômâst, 'ten hômâsts,' differs from the preceding merely in having a Vendidad, in addition to the Yasna, every day.

4. Dvâzdah-hômâst, 'twelve hômâsts,' are prayers recited for 264 days in honour of twenty-two angels, namely. the twelve aforesaid and the following ten: Bahman, Ardibahist, Shahrivar, Mihir, Bahrâm, Râm, Dîn, Rashnû, Gôs, and Âstâd. Each angel, in turn, is reverenced as in the last.

The celebration of hômâst costs 350 rûpîs, that of khadûk-hômâst 422 rûpîs, that of dah-hômâst 1000 rûpîs, and that of dvâzdah-hômâst 2000 rûpîs; but the first and third are now no longer used. The merit obtained by having such recitations performed is equivalent to 1000 tanâpûhars for each Yasna, 10,000 for each Visparad, and 70,000 for each Vendidad recited. A tanâpûhar is now considered as a. weight of 1200 dirhams, with which serious sins and works of considerable merit are estimated; originally it must have meant a sin which was 'inexpiable' by ordinary good works, and, conversely, any extraordinary good work which was just sufficient to efface such a sin.

The amount of merit attaching to such recitations is variously stated in different books, and when recited with holy-water (that is, with all their ceremonial rites) they are said to be usually a hundred times as meritorious as when recited without it.]

[1. So in the Pâzand, but 'seventeen' in Persian; in K20 the word is partly illegible, but can be no other number than sibâ, seven.'

2. The mountainous region south of the Caspian (see Bund. XII, 2, 17).

3. This section is the Pahlavi version of an Avesta formula which is appended to nearly two-thirds of the hâs or chapters of the Yasna, and, therefore, indicates the close of the chapter at this point. The version here given contains a few verbal deviations from that given in the Yasna, but none of any importance. The Avesta text of this formula is as follows:--

And it may be translated in the following manner:--

'Of whatever male of the existences, therefore, Ahuramazda was better cognizant, through righteousness in worship, and of whatever females, both those males and those females we reverence.']

[1. The Pâz. MSS. insert, 'and black clothing' here.

2. Literally, 'black-marked,' or possibly, 'black standard.'

3. The Pâz. MSS. add, 'the leathern-belted Tûrks,' that is, people of Turkistân.

4. This fiend appears to be a personification of Christianity or 'ecclesiasticism' (Kilisyâkîh, see Chap. II, 19), and the writer seems to place his appearance some time in the middle ages, probably before the end of the thirteenth century (see the note on 144). Darmesteter suggests that Shêdâsp may have been intended as a modern counterpart of Bêvarâsp (Az-i Dahâk), the ancient tyrant; and that this Christian invasion may be a reminiscence of the crusades.

5. I have formerly read Mûsulmân instead of min Salmân, and hence concluded that the text must have been written long {footnote p. 216} after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia; but this reading is irreconcilable with the context. The position of Salmân (Av. Sairima) is defined by Bund. XX, 12, which places the sources of the Tigris in that country.]

[1. The name. of a commentator, or commentary, often quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad, and other texts. Mâhvand-dâd is mentioned in the Pahlavi Yasna (see Sls. I, 4).

2 The Pâz. MSS. state that 'Mercury and Jupiter beat down the strength of Venus.'

3. Here written Arang, Arand, or Arvad, but as it is Arvand in §§ 21, 38, that reading seems preferable, the difference between the two names in Pahlavi being merely a single stroke. The Arvand is the Tigris, and the Arang probably the Araxes (see SZS. VI, 20, Bund. XX, 8)..

4. Literally, 'there are and were some who said;' this phrase occurs several times in the latter part of this text.

5. The Euphrates.

6 Or, 'of strict reckoning,' reading sâkht amâr, but both reading and meaning are very uncertain. As it stands in K26 it {footnote p. 217} may be sâkht gumâl, 'extreme beauty,' or Sâkhtîmâr (the name of a place), or this may stand for sâkht tîmâr, 'severe misfortune;' and other readings are possible.]

[1. It is not quite clear which party will turn the other back.

2. Literally, 'extender,' that is, one engaged in extending his own dominions.

3. The remainder of this § (except the verb 'remain') is Pâzand written in Persian characters in K20.

4. Possibly the Karmak of Chap. II, 49. In § 20 the Kurd and Karmân (or Karms) may refer to the Tûrk and Karm of this §, so it is doubtful whether Tûrk or Kurd is meant.

5. Or, 'for the encounter,' pavan ham-rasisnîh.

6. See Bund. XXXI, 25, XXXIV, 7. The letters are here joined together, so as to become Kai-gâûs, and this form of the name is {footnote p. 218} often read Kâhûs or Kahôs in Pâzand (see Mkh. VIII, 27, XXVII, 54, LVII, 21). The Pâz. MSS. omit § 9.]

[1. See Bund. XII, 32, 33.

2. See Bund. XXIV, 16.

3. Perhaps 'one' is meant, as hanâ, 'this,' is sometimes substituted for aê, 'one,' both being read e in Pâzand.

4. The reading of this name is quite uncertain.

5. See Chap. II, 63. The whole of the final clause of this section, about the fire Visnâsp, is inserted parenthetically at this point in the Pahlavi text.

6. Elsewhere called Gûsnasp, Gûsnâsp, or Gûsasp (see SZS. VI, 22).

7. The most obvious reading of this word is mâhîk,' fish,' which can hardly be reconciled with the context. The view here taken is that the writer was translating from an Avesta text, and met {footnote p. 219} with the word kithra, which means both pêdâk, 'clear,' and tôkhmak, 'originating,' but to express the latter meaning he used the synonym mâyakîk, which can be written exactly like mâhîk. Owing to the involved character of this section it is not very clear in English, but it is still more obscure in the Pahlavi text, in which the whole of this clause about the fire is inserted parenthetically after the first mention of Padashkhvârgar.]

[1. This last clause may be read several ways, and it is by no means easy to ascertain clearly the chronological order of the events which are jumbled together in this last chapter. But it would appear that Zaratûst's millennium was to end at a time when the religion was undisturbed, and just before the incursion of the demons or idolators, the details of which have been given in Chap. II, 2 2-III, II, and which is the first event of Hûshêdar's millennium (see § 13). Now according to Bund. XXXIV, 7-9, the interval from 'the coming of the religion,' in the reign of Kaî-Vistâsp, to the end of the Sasanian monarchy was 90 + 112 + 30 + 12 + 14 + 14 + 284 + 460 =1016 years. If by 'the coming of the religion' be meant the time when Zaratûst received it, as he was then thirty years old, he must have been born 1046 years before the end of the Sasanian monarchy (A. D. 651), and the end of his millennium must have been in A. D. 605, the sixteenth year of Khûsrô Parvîz, when the Sasanian power was near its maximum, and only a score of years before it began suddenly to collapse. This close coincidence indicates that the writer of the Bahman Yast must. have adopted the same incorrect chronology as is found in the Bundahis. If, however, I the coming of the religion' mean its acceptance by Vistâsp, which occurred in Zaratûst's fortieth or {footnote p. 220} forty-second year, his birth must have been ten or twelve years earlier. and his millennium must have ended A. D. 593-595. But according to the imperfect chronology of Bund. XXXIV the tenth millennium of the world, that of Capricornus, commenced with 'the coming of the religion,' and ended, therefore, in A. D. 635, the fourth year of Yazdakard, the last Sasanian king, when the Muhammadans were just preparing for their first invasion; so the millennium of Aquarius is very nearly coincident with that of Hûshêdar, and may probably be intended to represent it. It appears, therefore, that the millennium of Hûshêdar is altogether past, having extended from A. D. 593-635 to A. D. 1593-1635.]

[1. The Paz. MSS. omit § 12. The writer having detailed the evils of the iron age, now returns to its commencement in order to describe the means adopted for partially counteracting those evils.

2. See Bund. XXII, 5, XXXII, 8. The Pâz. MSS. add, 'they bring him up in Zâvulistân and Kâvulistân;' and the Pers. version says, 'on the frontier of Kâbulistân.' With regard to the time of Hûshêdar's birth, see § 44. His name is always written Khûrshêdar in K20.

3. The Pâz. and Pers. versions say, 'at thirty years of age,' as in § 44.

4. Possibly Samarkand (see Chap. II, 49. note 2).]

[1. Bahrâm the illustrious or splendid (Av. varekanghand, compare Pers. varg), an epithet applied, in the Avesta, to the moon, Tistrya, the scriptures, the royal glory of the Kayânians, the Kayânians themselves, and the hero Thrita. This personage may possibly be an incarnation of the angel Bahrâm, mingled with some reminiscences of the celebrated Persian general Bahrâm Kôpîn; but see §§ 32, 49.

2 A commentator who is quoted in the Pahlavi Yas. XI, 22; see also Chap. I, 7.

3. The 22nd day of the eighth month of the Parsi year, corresponding to October 7th when the year began at the vernal equinox, as the Bundahis (XXV, 6, 7, 20, 21) describes.

4. That is, Bactrian and Samarkandian.

5. Or, 'light up with glitter,' according as we read tâgend or tâvend. The Pâz. MSS. omit §§ 17-44, except one or two isolated phrases.

6. Spiegel was inclined to identify this name with Bombay, but this is impossible, as the MS. K20 (in which the name occurs) was written some two centuries before the Portuguese invented the name of Bombay. Its original name, by which it is still called by {footnote p. 222} its native inhabitants, being Mumbaî. The locality mentioned in the text is, evidently to be sought on the banks of the Oxus near Bukhârâ; the Oxus having been sometimes considered the upper course of the Arag, and sometimes that of the Veh (see Bund. XX, 22, note 5). It is hardly probable that either Bâmî (Balkh) or Bâmiyân would be changed into Bambö, and the only exact representative of this name appears to be Bamm, a town about 120 miles S. E. of Kirmân; this is quite a different locality from that mentioned in the text, but it is hazardous to set bounds to the want of geographical knowledge displayed by some of the Pahlavi commentators.]

[1. Compare SZS. IV, 8. Here the triumph of Jupiter over Venus appears to be symbolical of the displacement of the queen dowager by her son.

2. That is, from the southern shore of the Caspian.

3. Reading Hiriyân, but this is doubtful, as it may be 'from the citadels (arigânö), or defiles (khalakânö), of Kôhistân.'

4. See Bund. XII, 17, XIII, 15.

5. That is, every man able to bear arms.

6. Reading pavan, 'into,' instead of barâ, 'besides' (see SZS. VIII, 2, note 5).

7. See § 10, but as nothing is said there about Kurd or Karmân, it is possible that the writer meant to say, 'of whom I told thee, {footnote p. 223} and whom they call both Kurd and Karmân.' It is more probable, however, that he is referring to § 7.]

[1. Compare § 7. The 'extensive army' and 'two-legged wolf" are terms borrowed apparently from Yas. IX, 62, 63.

2. That is, 'the rapid' (Av. aurvand). The other names of this river, Tigris and Hiddekel, have the same meaning. See §§ 5, 38.

3. See § 9, of which this is a recapitulation, but the first of the three battles is here omitted by mistake.

4. Marv in the present Turkistân.

5. Referring to § 17.

6. Supposing that bandôk may be equivalent to Pers. bandak, but the usual Pahlavi term for cotton is pumbak (Pers. punbah).

7. Reading grestak as in § 5, but the word can also be read dar dîdak, 'gate watch-tower.' It is possible that the drugö geredha, 'pit of the fiend,' of Vend. III, 24, may be here meant; the gate of hell, whence the demons congregate upon the Arezûr ridge (Bund. XII, 8).]

[1. Compare, 'and at the time of the end' (Dan. xi. 40). The writer appears to be here finally passing from a description of the past into speculations as to the future, which he has hitherto only casually indulged in.

2. The supernatural means supposed to be employed for the destruction of the wicked and the restoration of the good are detailed in the following paragraphs.

3. See Chap. II, 36.

4. The two angels who are the special messengers of Aûharmazd to mankind (see Band. XV, 1, XXX, 29). This message was expected to be sent to Pêshyôtanû near the end of Hûshêdar's millennium (see § 51).

5. See Bund. XXIX, 10.

6. See Bund. XXXI, 25.

7. A title of Pêshyôtanû, written Kitrô-maînô in Bund. XXIX, 5.

8. This was the twentieth nask or 'book' of the complete Mazdayasnian literature, according to the Dînkard; but the Dînî-vagarkard and the Rivâyats make it the twenty-first, and say very {footnote p. 225} little about its contents (see Haug's Essays, pp. 133, 134). The Dînkard, in its eighth book, gives the following account of this Nask:--

'The Hâdôkht as it exists has three divisions among its 133 sections. The first has thirteen (twelve?) sections, treatises upon the nature of the recital of the Ahunavar, which is the spiritual benefit from chanting it aloud, and whatever is on the same subject. Admonition about selecting and keeping a spiritual and worldly high-priest, performing every duty as to the high-priest, and maintaining even those of various high-priests. On the twenty-one chieftainships of the spirits in Aûharmazd, and of the worldly existences in Zaratûst, among which are the worship of God and the management of the devout. On the duty requisite in each of the five different periods of the day and night, and the fate at the celestial bridge of him who shall be zealous in the celebration of the season-festivals; he who does not provide the preparations for the feast of the season-festivals, and who is yet efficient in the other worship of God. On how to consider, and what to do with, a leader of the high-priest class and a man of the inferior classes; he who atones for unimportant sin, and he who does not atone even for that which is important, and whatever is on the same subject. On the apparatus with which ploughed land (?) is prepared. On the manifestation of virtuous manhood, and the merit and advantage from uttering good words for blessing the eating and drinking of food and drink, and rebuking the inward talk of the demons. On the recitations at the five periods of the day, and the ceremonial invocation by name of many angels, each separately, and great information on the same subject; the worthiness of a man restrained by authority the giving of life and body to the angel the good rulers, and their examination and satisfaction; the blessing and winning words which are most successful in carrying off the affliction which proceeds from a fiend. On all-pleasing creativeness and omniscience, and all precedence (?), leadership, foresight(?), worthy liberality, virtue (?), and every proper cause and effect of righteousness; the individuality of righteousness, the opposition to the demons of Aûharmazd's opinion, and also much other information in the same section.

'The middle division has 102 sections, treatises on spiritual and worldly diligence, the leadership of the diligent, and their mighty {footnote p. 226} means, all former deeds of righteousness; righteousness kindling the resolution is the reward of merit, each for each, and is adapted by it for that of which it is said that it is the Hâdôkht which is the maintaining of righteousness, so that they may make righteousness more abiding in the body of a man.

'The last division has nineteen sections of trusty remedies, that is, remedies whose utterance aloud by the faithful is a chief resource among the creatures of God; also the nature of sayings full of humility, well-favoured, most select, and adapted for that of which it is said that I reverence that chief, the excellent and eminent Hâdôkht, of which they trust in the sustaining strength of every word of Zaratûst. Perfect is the excellence of righteousness (Av. ashem vohû vahistem astî).'

According to tradition three chapters of this Nask are still extant, being the Yast fragments XXI, XXII of Westergaard's edition of the Avesta Texts; but they do not correspond to any part of the description in the Dînkard. For a description of Dvâzdah-hômâst see Chap. II, 59.]

[1. See Bund. XII, 7.

2. That is, 'good thoughts, good words, and good deeds,' a formula often uttered when commencing an important action.]

[1. See Bund. XVII, 5, 6. This appears to be an allusion to the removal of the sacred fire by Vistâsp, from the, 'glorious' mountain in Khvârizem to the 'shining' mountain in Kâvulistân.

2. See Chap. II, 37.

3. Regarding these three manifestations of the sacred fire, see Bund. XVII, 3-9, SZS. XI, 8-10.

Supplying the word sêdâân, 'the demons,' in accordance with 36, 37; there being clearly some word omitted in K20.

4. See Chap. II, 36.

5. Hûgar the lofty in Bund. XII, 2, 5.]

[1. The fact that the angel Vâhrâm goes in his spiritual forth to the assistance of Pêshyôtanû, rather militates against the idea that be also goes in the form of Vâhrâm the Vargâvand.

2. This verb is omitted by mistake in K20.

3. Literally, 'arrive at the writing.'

4. Or, 'stand up with honesty.'

5. The latter two names are here written Frâsâv and Alasandar.

6. From this it appears that the writer expected the evil reign of the unbelievers to last a thousand years, that is, till the end of Hûshêdar's millennium, about A.D. 1593-1635, which corresponds very closely with the reign of the great Shâh `Abbâs.]

[1. Or, perhaps 'what I said before,' being already narrated in § 29 as performed by Pêshyôtanû before advancing far into Iran.

2. The Tigris and the Oxus-Indus (see §§ 5, 21).

3. Probably a title of Pêshyôtanû; a more obvious translation would be, 'restrains a curbed temper, and is intrusted,' &c,, but it is hardly probable that the warrior prince Vâhrâm could become a priest. It is Vâhrâm's business to restore the empire, leaving Pêshyôtanû to restore the religion.]

[1. The supreme high-priesthood, or primacy.

2. Merely a guess, as the verb varafsêd is difficult to understand.

3. K20 has nismô, 'soul,' but the very similarly written gadman, 'glory,' is a more likely reading here (see § 32).

4. Reading dûdak instead of rûdak, as in Chap. II, 47.

5. The writer having detailed the supernatural means employed for restoring the religion, now returns to the birth of Hûshêdar {footnote p. 231} (§ 13) for the purpose of mentioning some of his actions, and making the chronology of his millennium rather more clear. Nothing is said here about his miraculous birth, the details of which are given in the seventh book of the Dînkard very much as they are found in the Persian Rivâyats. The Dînkard states that thirty years before the end of Zaratûst's millennium a young maiden bathing in certain water, and drinking it, becomes pregnant through the long-preserved seed of Zaratûst (see Bund. XXXII, 8, 9), and subsequently gives birth to Hûshêdar.]

[1. There seems to be no other rational way of understanding this number than by supposing that it represents the date of Hûshêdar's birth, counting from the beginning of Zaratûst's millennium. According to this view Hûshêdar was to be born in the six hundredth year of his own millennium, and not at its beginning, as § 13 seems to imply, nor nearly thirty years earlier, as the Dînkard asserts. As the beginning of his millennium may be fixed about A. D. 593-635 (see note on § 11), the writer must have expected him to be born about A. D. 1193-1235; a time which was probably far in the future when he was writing. And as Vâhrâm the Vargâvand was to be born when Hûshêdar was thirty years of age (compare §§ 14) 44), and was to march into Iran at the age of thirty (§ 17), the great conflict of the nations (§§ 8, 19-22) was expected to begin about A.D. 1253-1295, and to continue till near the end of the millennium, about A.D. 1593-1635, when Pêshyôtanû was expected to appear (§ 51) and to restore the 'good' religion (§§ 26, 37, 42). An enthusiastic Parsi interpreter of prophecy might urge that though this period did not witness any revival of his religion, it did witness a restoration of the Persian empire under Shâh `Abbâs, and also the first beginning of British power in India, which has been so great a benefit to the scanty, remnant of his fellow-countrymen.

2. The usual epithet of the sun in the Avesta.]

[1. The seven regions of the earth (see Bund. XI, 2, 3).

2. It is just possible to read, 'the sun with the swift horse, the splendid, moves on, and all mankind fully believe,' &c. But if the reading in the text be correct it effectually disposes of the idea of Vâhrâm being an incarnation of the angel, as an angel would require no miracle to make him believe in the religion.

3. See §§ 25-30.

4. This verb is doubtful, as most of the word is torn off in K20.]

[1. This appears to be the meaning, but the latter part of the sentence is not very clear.

2. See Bund. XXXII, 8. The name is written Khûrshêd-mâh in K20. The Dînkard gives the same account of the miraculous birth of Hûshêdar-mâh as of the first Hûshêdar (see note on § 43); it also repeats the legend of the sun standing still, but for the longer period of twenty days; all which details are also found in the Persian Rivâyats.

3. Av. azikithra; such creatures are mentioned in Ardavahist Yt. 8, 10, 11, 15; but Az-i Dahâk, 'the destructive serpent,' is probably meant here (see §§ 56-61).

4. As in the previous millennium. According to the chronology deduced from s 44 the millennium of Hûshêdar-mâh, which corresponds to the twelfth and last millennium of Bund. XXXIV, is now near the middle of its third century.

5. The sentence is either defective or obscure, but this appears to be its meaning.

6. The evil spirit is encouraged by an act of religious toleration, apparently, to recommence his manœuvres for injuring mankind.]

[1. Here written Dimbhâvand (see Bund. XII, 31).

2. Reading amat, 'when,' instead of mûn, 'which' (see the note on Bund. I, 7).

3. The var-i Yim kard (see Bund. XXIX, 14). The men and creatures who are supposed to be preserved in this enclosure are expected to replenish the world whenever it has been desolated by wars and oppression.

4. Whose surname is Bêvarâsp (see Bund. XXIX, 9).

5. The Pâz. MSS. end here.]

[1. Also called Sâm in this same section; he was lying in a trance in the plain of Pêsyânsaî (see Bund. XXIX, 7-9).

2. Reading afas instead of minas (see Chap. II, 4, note 2).

3. The thirteenth millennium, or first of the future existence, when Sôshyans appears. The Dînkard and the Persian Rivâyats recount the same legends regarding the miraculous birth of Sôshyans, and of the sun standing still (for thirty days), as they do with regard to Hûshêdar (see note on § 43).

4. See Bund. XXXII, 8.]